Tim Davie

The BBC’s Trump Offensive May Backfire

The BBC’s Trump Offensive May Backfire

The latest Telegraph report on Donald Trump’s $10 billion dollar defamation action against the BBC presents the Corporation as moving decisively onto the offensive. It is seeking access to Trump’s private communications and to material gathered by Jack Smith, the former US Special Counsel appointed to investigate Donald Trump’s actions surrounding the 2020 election and the alleged attack on the Capitol on 6 January 2021. Smith concluded there was sufficient evidence to prosecute Trump for attempting to overturn the election result, but his case never came to trial because long-standing Department of Justice policy prevents the prosecution of a sitting President. The BBC now wants access to the evidence assembled during that investigation.

The clear impression is that the BBC has seized the initiative and that Trump is increasingly on the back foot. But there is another reading of events, and it could ultimately prove far more significant.

The BBC is no longer simply defending the BBC1 Panorama programme – broadcast days before the presidential election in 2024 – that gave rise to this litigation. It is attempting to prove that the central allegation conveyed by that programme was substantially true. That is an ambitious legal strategy.

The action arose because Panorama broadcast an edited version of Trump’s speech before the attack on the Capitol which the BBC subsequently accepted had created a “mistaken impression”. Trump argues that the edit falsely portrayed him as encouraging the violence that followed and has sued for defamation.

The BBC’s answer is no longer confined to saying that the edit was a mistake or that Trump suffered no measurable damage. Instead, it is seeking evidence which it believes will establish that, despite the flawed editing, Trump did in fact incite the events of January 6. That explains its attempt to obtain Jack Smith’s files together with the President’s private messages and other evidence.

There is, however, an important distinction that deserves more attention than it has so far received. Jack Smith was appointed as  prosecutor, not a judge.

His report is the prosecution case. It explains why he believed there was sufficient evidence to prosecute Trump. It is an important document, but it is not a judicial finding of fact. No court has tested either Smith’s conclusions or the evidence upon which they rest because the prosecution ended before trial. The BBC is perfectly entitled to rely upon Smith’s work, but it is relying upon the conclusions of a prosecutor rather than findings established after a contested hearing. Trump’s lawyers will be equally entitled to challenge both the conclusions and the evidence.

That makes the BBC’s strategy legitimate. It also makes it inherently risky.

An even greater irony lies elsewhere.

For years  in the UK the BBC has fought determinedly to prevent outsiders discovering how controversial editorial decisions are reached inside the Corporation. It has repeatedly invoked the journalistic exemption contained in the Freedom of Information Act to refuse requests for internal emails, editorial discussions and decision-making records. News-watch has encountered that barrier time after time. Attempts to understand how contentious journalism was conceived, discussed and approved have been met with the same answer: Parliament intended journalistic material to remain confidential.

Yet in Florida the BBC is relying upon a legal system founded on almost the opposite principle.

To defend itself, the Corporation is asking the court to compel the disclosure of Trump’s private communications, the investigative files assembled by Jack Smith and evidence held by third parties. In doing so, it has entered a jurisdiction where extensive disclosure is not an exception but one of the central mechanisms by which courts establish the truth.

That has obvious consequences. American discovery is reciprocal. A party seeking disclosure from its opponent must itself expect to disclose relevant material. If the BBC is entitled to examine Trump’s communications, Trump’s lawyers are equally entitled to seek disclosure of relevant BBC material. Internal emails, draft scripts, editorial discussions and records showing how the Panorama programme was researched, written, edited and approved may all become subjects of legitimate inquiry if they are relevant to the issues before the court.

This is the aspect of the litigation that receives surprisingly little attention in the Telegraph‘s coverage. Its emphasis is on the BBC’s increasingly robust attempts to strengthen its defence. But every procedural step taken by the Corporation potentially widens scrutiny of its own editorial conduct and processes. Discovery cuts both ways.

Indeed, another development reported by the Telegraph may ultimately prove even more significant. Trump’s legal team has indicated it is preparing to question former Director-General Tim Davie about the editorial decisions surrounding the Panorama programme and, if necessary, seek the assistance of the English High Court to compel his evidence.

That is no ordinary witness interview. It has the potential to become the most searching examination of BBC editorial governance ever undertaken.

For more than twenty-five years, News-watch has sought to understand how the BBC reaches controversial editorial decisions. The Corporation’s complaints system has revealed remarkably little. Ofcom has no power to compel wholesale disclosure of newsroom deliberations. Freedom of Information requests have repeatedly been defeated by the journalistic exemption clause which applies to the BBC. Until now, the Corporation has largely succeeded in keeping the internal workings of its journalism beyond public examination.

Now, unexpectedly, it has entered a legal arena where disclosure is central to the judicial process. The BBC may ultimately persuade the court that its portrayal of Donald Trump was substantially justified. But in choosing to advance that defence, it has also accepted something it has resisted for decades in Britain.

For the first time, its own editorial decision-making may be examined in forensic detail before an independent court. If that happens, the most important story in this remarkable litigation may cease to be Donald Trump. It may be the BBC itself.

Nicholas Burnett: Can Tim Davie Turn the Tide of Bias?

Nicholas Burnett: Can Tim Davie Turn the Tide of Bias?

This is a Guest Post from Nicholas Burnett from The Conservative Woman:

THE paradox of the Western World is encapsulated by the angst the BBC so willingly brings upon itself. Once a central plank of British culture, it is now part of a pro-globalising bourgeois media-set who will report ‘largely peaceful protests’ straight-faced against a backdrop of burning cities. It’s as if there is something the rest of us are not privy to. And of course, there is.

Black Lives Matter, a far-Left Marxist organisation, was immediately hailed. BBC coverage continually affirmed the BLM narrative, at times taking a campaigning tone for the cause. Like many, I objected to the clearly favourable line on a movement which descended into rioting, but the wider issue is the corporation’s merger with Left-leaning identity politics.

I complained to the BBC in June. I pointed out that under the BLM narrative white people are summarily accused of racism; that the BBC fails to balance its sudden specific interest in police brutality with a wider context; conflating American experience with the British is absurd and that the far greater cause of violent black deaths is ignored. I finished ‘I despair for race relations following the hysterical coverage and tensions you have abetted’. And I genuinely do. If anyone at the BBC thinks its approach will have a generally wholesome impact on race relations they are deluded. One only has to see the thinking behind UKBLM how divisive their message is.

https://twitter.com/Never_Again2020/status/1298982384059084802

In response, the BBC claimed its reporting ‘reflects the global impact . . . and the strength of feeling . . . galvanised’ insisting that it ‘will continue to report impartially on issues highlighted as this story develops’. When it talks about ‘global impact’ and ‘strength of feeling’ one can only assume it is referring to its own echo chamber which includes other Leftist cultural institutions, academics and campaigners. You can respond back to the BBC if you are unhappy with its first reply, which I did, and two months on no follow-up has been received (rather an email suggesting I try Ofcom as they are oh-so-busy right now).

BLM has explicit aims to destabilise society. Surely its inflammatory messaging is relevant to the looting and violence continuing in America as well as abuse of and attacks on police officers on both sides of the Atlantic? When 36 police officers were injured in London in that first weekend of unrest in June, the BBC talked of ‘largely peaceful protests’ and omitted to inform viewers about what BLM thinks about our police. None of this matters to the BBC in the same way it would (and did) do when those ‘protesting’ are white nationalists. The BBC believes it has an active duty to stand against racism but it conflates the narrative of activism with reporting, apparently assuming the righteous position of BLM from the outset.

Throughout the summer, in the midst of racial tension stoked by Marxist agitators, the BBC chose to amplify individuals’ claims of racism against the police without challenge or context. The same sense of grievance plays out in much of the ‘woke’ narrative too often consuming BBC News output. Many black people don’t feel deeply offended by white society. Many gays feel awkward with train carriages painted in their name. Many women roll their eyes when the next round of gender-pay grievance figures is headlined. Conservative views are omitted from the BBC’s narrative as it gives credence to ‘strong feeling’ over balanced rational coverage. Britons do care about fairness, tolerance and equality but not the version pushed by activists.

Michael Collins, author of The Likes of Us: A Biography of the White Working Class, touched on the issue of race in a recent interview with Peter Whittle: ‘We kind of covered it ’cos we had to . . . we are being educated by people that didn’t have that experience’.  

White working-class Londoners did the BLM thing 40 years ago, moving through and beyond racial tensions as a community that got on with it. The liberal middle classes have apparently suddenly discovered this cause, delivering the message with a tone that insists on national self-reflection and demands a review and cleansing of the past. Many see through this preaching for what it is: vanity.

The ruling elites with a globalised worldview in both the USA and here in the UK were sent packing by electorates in 2016 yet a bourgeois liberal class have retained their position as cultural custodians and decanters of information in the media they control. Trump and Brexit were shocking to these elites but self-explained as mere interruptions to their assured hegemony which with the ‘right information’ the electorate could and would be corrected to understand what’s good for them. The explanation BBC Newsnight editor Lewis Goodall has for public dissatisfaction with output lies somewhere around the retort that ‘sometimes the truth hurts’:

Unfortunately there is another ‘truth’ to which the BBC is oblivious: Brexit didn’t go away and far from being shamed as an embarrassing irony of the misinformed, Trump is hot on the heels of Biden in the American polls and may well be about to take round two. What are the liberals not seeing? Perhaps they, too, need ‘unconscious bias’ training about working-class Britons?

The BBC continues unabashed with a declaration for more diversity. What it sees is not unique among our institutions’ worldview: race, sexuality and gender have become primary factors in the worth and measurement of people. For example, after the selection of Kamala Harris as Biden’s candidate for vice president I was left knowing little about her beyond her sex and race – I could have figured those out for myself. By choosing this path it taps into a navel-gazing narcissism which will only demand ever more attention.

For institutions, identity politics may cynically keep bureaucratic claims of inequality and discrimination at bay but ‘being seen to do something’ hardly lays the foundations for lasting change or growth. For the individual, identity politics may help the existentially weak claim a sense of Self, but it hardly builds real character, resilient enough to integrate into the whole of society ‘just as oneself is’. Last week the Huffington Post reported claims of institutional racism within the BBC with employees of its Africa service complaining that having a white manager is akin to ‘working the cotton plantations’ of old.

This really is what you reap when you sow a vision of humanity that goes no deeper than the immutable characteristics of birth and assumes those are the determiners of our life experience.

We are told that incoming director-general Tim Davie is seeking to reform the BBC and make its output more politically diverse. But will he be able to turn back the tide?

 

Image by Patrick Behn from Pixabay